Discuss the relationship between secular and Islamic feminism/s
by Fatou
Feminism is a well known intellectual, socio-political movement advocating for women’s rights globally. It aims to ensure equality and fairness amongst genders and dismantle gender biased systems such patriarchy. The feminist theory has many variants such as liberal, colonial, radical, Marxist and Islamic feminism. All of which are working towards the same goal, liberation. Feminism has accomplished great things throughout history, through women’s suffrage it has permitted equal pay amongst genders and created anti-discrimination laws. Feminism in the twentieth to twenty-first century has now granted women access to education and employment and created a safer space for other communities, such as, the LGBTQIA+ community. Although it has many achievements as a movement, it has faced backlash from antifeminists and misogynists who label the movement as selective or ‘anti-men’. Within this essay, I will explore the relationship between secular feminism and Islamic feminism, why the two theories honour the same message of freedom and equality but differ greatly as secular feminism is vehemently against religion and any form of spirituality. Islamic feminism is built upon faith, they want to create an environment that allows Islam and women to work together cohesively. It is a theory that aligns with the liberation of women, in Muslim countries. I will explore the themes of liberation in both feminisms and how they operate worldwide. Does secular feminism work well because it was established in liberal/ democratic countries? Will Islamic feminism ever be able to tackle patriarchal systems and ‘bad faith’? This essay will begin with a detailed account on Islamic Feminism and a brief case study on Afghanistan and the rights of women within the nation, how islamic nations have distorted the rulings of the Quran and exploited their position of power to oppress women. I will explore how this is a major concept in Islamic feminism. Furthermore, including Islamic feminist thinkers, such as Fatema Mernissi and Mojab Shahrzab who both provide compelling accounts on Islamic feminism in Muslim countries, and how it has presented itself in the years. In the remaining portion of the essay, I will also provide a comprehensible account of Secular feminism and their methods of operation, further explaining their bias towards faiths and their belief on rationality and indifference being more progressive than traditionalism and religious conservation. In addition to this, I will provide an analysis from a Secular feminist thinker, Taslima Nasri and her justification on how a women’s rights will always be stagnant and restricted as long as she lives under any religious laws. Her claims on religious restriction, offers a convincing argument on secular feminism, it does however, disregard indigenous, or cultural identity. To bring this essay to a close, I will reach a decisive conclusion on the relationship of the two feminism/s. With analysis from theorists such as Margot Badran who’s argument is driven by the polarity in culture and traditions within both regions, and how this will always cause discourse between the feminism/s. It is important to note that both theories align with the objectives of critiquing patriarchy and advocate for democracy and equal rights worldwide. I will however, explore how the two feminism/s have a relationship of incompatibility as their frameworks oppose one another.
In the twenty-first century, Islamic feminism advocates for gender equality for Muslims across nations. It seeks to reinterpret the scriptures provided by the Quran, and provide a clearer understanding of misinterpreted verses alongside educating people on the representation of women in society and in Islam. They mainly challenge patriarchal practices, that have often been justified in the name of Islam. Using ‘itjihad’ to contest unequal scholarly opinions about the roles of women in Islam. For example, a verse that is debated on countlessly, “And get two witnesses out of your own men and if there are not two men, then a man and two women, such as ye choose, for witnesses so that if one of them errs the other can remind her.” (Quran 2:282) This verse is disputed frequently there are many different interpretations surrounding the meaning. Some scholars empathise and state that the reason there would be two female witnesses is because a woman’s opinion is valued or seen as more truthful than a man however if this is viewed in a patriarchal sense, it can be interpreted negatively, as one woman’s opinion is not seen as a reliable source. Thus having two female witnesses, one may step in to account for the other woman’s mistakes during a court session or trial. ‘The text was interpreted to mean that because the testimony of two women was equivalent to the testimony of one man, women could not adequately judge the testimony of men. The prophetic report used to limit women’s authority was the one warning against a woman leading a community. Finally, the social argument against female judges was that being a judge would allow women to interact with men, which could only result in social and sexual chaos.’ (pp. 267) That being said Islamic feminism’s ideological approach to societal matters are rooted in recognising the tawhidic principle of equality, as Islam believes in the oneness of God and that man and woman are equal in His eyes. Cultural representation, how societies who follow the faith of Islam are built upon following Islamic principles. But a country may have biases and traditions that precede the seventh-century when the Quran was revealed to Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). There is no doubt that before Feminism was conceptualised in the nineteenth century it had been present in Islam and the Quran for centuries. The Holy Book, has granted women rights that many nations were unfamiliar with, women having full autonomy in their lives, and professing stories that showcased the power of women worldwide. ‘Several women are mentioned in the Quran, some of whom demonstrate a strong independent spirit. They are held responsible for their own salvation, apart from their husband or male relatives. These stories of women trump the patriarchal gender norms of a seventh-century Arabian context in which the Quran was purportedly revealed.’ (pp. 264).
In hindsight, despite the Quran and its revelations. Islamic feminism has expressed the struggles women go through today, withstanding patriarchy and misogyny in Muslim countries. There are global disparities with women across the world living in different regions, who may not have access to education and are subjected to gender based violence. Particularly in regions in the global south. Islamic feminists aim to separate the narrative of Islam being seen as oppressive and restrictive of women’s rights. An example being, the women of Afghanistan and their fight for rights since the Taliban’s rule. Many women of Afghanistan are subjected to extreme forms of oppression, since 1994. The Taliban enforced laws restricting women’s rights, to employment, education and freedom of movement. As a radical political group their claims of fighting as ‘Mujahideen’, come from self-interested, individualistic values. Desecrating Islam and using it as an excuse to perpetrate oppressive forms of governance over the women of Afghanistan. Using bad faith, religious authority to take unethical actions to support false beliefs. It is a concept derived from Jean-Paul Sartre’s existential philosophy. Islamic feminists note how this is often exploited in Muslim countries. Where a political group or radical faction, uses certain Islamic scripture as justification for their laws and regulations. ‘Afghan women are not just victims of conflict but also of rhetoric. Ruhr Khan, ESRC Researcher in LSE’s Media & Communication department, argues that we need to break away from binary viewpoints on Afghanistan, probe deeper into coloniality and the history of feminism in the global south and include it into the larger geo-political feminist epistemology.’ (LSE Article) Rubi Khan explores the story of an Afghan woman who was brutally tortured and killed by contesting a man’s opinion in the streets of Kabul. He falsely accused her of desecrating the words of the Holy Quran, when in actuality he was selling spells on a piece of paper claiming it would grant one’s greatest desires. With the configuration of society in Afghanistan, people instantly blame and discredit the woman rather than questioning a man and his honest intentions. The purpose of including this article on Farkhunda Milaikzada was to bring awareness to the misogynistic issues Afghan women still face despite Islamic feminists efforts. She states global feminist groups should assist Afghan women and concern this issue as a collective struggle. Secular feminists often resort to labelling and marginalising other struggles worldwide. The article highlights removing the westernised stigma that secular feminist frameworks are ‘progressive’ and emphasises the ongoing issue of white feminism or colonial perspectives having a role to play in secular feminism. It sometimes ignores the cultural, indigenous aspect of feminism in other countries. The article continues on, to inform us on how Afghan women face systematic and cultural oppression regardless of them being ‘liberated’ in the eyes of the West. ‘This was not a witch hunt in the remote hamlets of Afghanistan. Nor did this happen under the Taliban rule. This crime happened in March 2015 in the ‘liberalised’ Afghanistan under the watch of the allied forces and close to the palace of a ‘progressive’ President.’ (LSE Article) To conclude my research on this matter, it presses an issue Islamic feminists continuously fight against, Islamophobia and Cultural Imperialism from the West as well as internal conflicts such as patriarchy and violence. External aid has not proven to solve the issues within the country, but rather provides secular feminists temporary or long term recognition by alleviating conflict momentarily and securing them with support and aid. ‘If Farkhunda’s murder teaches us one thing, it is that there are no binaries in Afghanistan: The West is not the saviour of Afghan women. And the Taliban is not the only monster… The binary thinking of the ‘saviour’ and the ‘monster’ can be traced to colonial discourses dominated by what is often termed the ‘white saviour complex’. (LSE Article) This widens the perspective and denotes that religious influence has anything to do with the fight against violence and discrimination in Afghanistan. But rather informs us on the affects of external governing bodies having a role to play in internal conflicts.
This connection leads directly to my next discussion on Fatema Mernissi and her perspective on fundamentalism and its interplay with Islamic Feminism. Fatema Mernissi is a well renowned feminist born in the contemporary Muslim world. Her work ‘Muslim Women and Fundamentalism , explores the concept of Muslim countries trying to preserve their identities, with the fear that it is dying a world that is quickly adapting to modernity and abandoning faith. It has left certain nations feeling lost and as though they lack a full identity. So, they establish control and assert dominance but restricting and subduing certain things. She does not use this as a justification for the injustice women face but rather an argumentative point for Muslim nations misdirected anger. An example she explores through this work is ‘Veiling as a Muslim woman’ Mernissi explores how women in Iran who are secular fight for their rights to not veil. And how the patriarchal governing systems observe this as a form of rebellion. They go against tradition, and removing this form of conservation which has been present in Islamic societies for centuries, creates discourse and paranoia. ‘The fundamentalist wave in Muslim societies is a statement about identity. And that is why their call for the veil for women has to be looked at in the light of the painful but necessary and prodigious reshuffling of identity that Muslims are going through in these often confusing but always fascinating times.’ (pp. 206) She expresses how the fight to bring back Fundamentalism in Muslim communities is the driving force for preservation. Without it, they will loose their identities and faith to secularism. However, they do not know how to express this in a rational manner that benefits all Muslims rather than subduing and oppressing women.
Additionally, Mojab Shahrzab. He distinguishes the difference between femininity and feminism. In Islamic territories, feminine identities had already taken shape, from Southeast Asia to Western Africa. Creating safe spaces for women as well as gatherings to revolt against oppression. However, when Feminism a western, liberal idea of gender equality reached the Arabian Peninsula and Western Africa or Islamic societies in the late nineteenth century. It distorted the idea of rights and equality. Secularism was expanding rapidly as well as the concept of Individualism, Islam had to refine their concepts and adapt, but the concept of Othering and seclusion was visibly at the forefront of these this ideology, and whether it could cohesively work with feminism. ‘From the very beginning, the debate was centred on the compatibility of the idea of women’s emancipation with the principles of Islam.’ (pp. 127) Sharzad states there is a constant push and pull between secularism and Islamism. Each side is calling for reform and change, but on opposite ends of the spectrum causing one to believe their portrayal of liberation is the only correct way. An example being, the constant debate on unveiling women being liberating and veiled women being oppressed. It links to cultural imperialism, there is a constant erasure and redefined perspective on liberty especially concerning women’s rights. And how this fits the social constructs Western feminism portrays.
Transitioning to Secular feminism, it emerged in the nineteenth century. As a movement, it defends the rights of women having full autonomy over their lives. It is regarded as a more progressive form of feminism, operating independently from religious and spiritual doctrines that influence gender equality, secular feminism advocates for universal rights. Its principles are based on reason, rationality and justice. The main themes found in secular feminism are reproductive rights, legal equality and an opposition to religious conservatism. There are some critiques of secular feminism. It has been argued that it may pose ‘cultural imperialism’, with its western ideals on feminism. There have been incidents where they have disregarded local or religious identities. Furthermore, excluding all religious feminists, it is believed secular feminists have an overall hostility towards faiths and religious structures. “If by feminism is meant easing patriarchal pressures on women, making patriarchy less appalling, ‘Islamic feminism’ is certainly a feminist trend. But if feminism is a movement to abolish patriarchy, to protect human beings from being prisoners of fixed identities, to contribute towards a society in which individuals can fashion their lives free from economic, political, social and cultural constraints, then ‘Islamic feminism’ proves considerably inadequate. I define feminism in these latter terms, and for that reason, I consider ‘Islamic feminism’ an oxymoron. (Shahidian, 1998:51). Their feminism allows ‘Freedom from the constraints of religious dogma.’ Granting women the platform and education to exercise their rights. Whilst this is a favourable form of liberation. Moreover, there has been discourse of secular feminists showcasing ‘exclusivity’ to white feminism and ignoring other marginalised communities. They dangerously border on ‘cultural imperialism’ often invalidating the importance of faith to certain communities.
Certain secular feminist initiatives have been accused of imposing Western ideals of feminism on non-Western societies. This approach can undermine indigenous feminist movements and alienate women who do not identify with Western feminist paradigms. For example, campaigns that criticise the hijab as inherently oppressive may ignore the voices of Muslim women who choose to wear it as an expression of their identity and faith.
Taslima Nasri’s argument on Islamic feminism, is that any affairs concerning women should not include religion. She states Secular feminism have more inclusive methods , that separates faith from feminist matters. As an ethnic woman herself, who lived in Bangladesh she has witnessed discrimination against women firsthand. ‘Secularism is necessary for women’s freedom simply because religion- all religions- are opposed to women’s freedom. No woman can have the rights and freedoms she deserves under any religion’s laws. Women have greater rights in those countries where laws are not based on religion and where the state is separated from religion.’ She understands that secular feminism is defined differently in other countries but states operating without faith as a leading factor is important, to ensure the rights of women and enforce equal just, laws. Her viewpoints are heavily influenced by the political unrest that occurred in Bangladesh, when they were at war with Pakistan. The country had undergone rapid change, and mutiny, with atheists facing oppression and were then subjugated to censorship and torture for protesting their rights. There is this notion of reformation that is expressed throughout her work. Which is a concept Islamic and secular feminists coincide with. However, this resonates more with secular feminists more as they approach this with the ideology of complete erasure will create change. In conclusion, she leaves us with questions and a definitive point on why she supports secular feminism. Her experiences and studies allow how to provide a strong opinion on faith and feminism.
In conclusion, secular and Islamic feminism are complex theoretical frameworks, that will continue to have an ongoing, and often conflicting relationship. Both parties aim to liberate and assist women in a patriarchal society. Fighting against injustice and exploitation. However, they are frameworks that often clash as they do not align with one another, in their methods and structures. Islamic feminism fights against discrimination but also wants to provide an understanding of the faith to Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Faith to Islamic feminists is a framework that is pre-existing in society. How it is conceptualised can be disputed but they do not want to abandon religion. Whereas, secular feminism abandons faith and religion. It claims any form of spirituality can be a hindrance to the growth and progression of feminism and improving the condition of society to better women’s livelihood. Secular feminists are very conclusive on their stance on religion, their methods are driven on statistics and rationality. However, they work exceptionally well in a world that is currently in its secular era. There is a sense of Othering between the two ideologies a distinct line between what is ‘right’ or ‘operational’ and what is ‘wrong’ and ‘unsuitable’. Margot Badran has worked on many books exploring Islam, Christianity, Gender and Feminism in the Middle East. In one of her writings ‘Between Secular and Islamic feminism/s’ she explores the two ideologies. Expressing how secular feminism arrived in a post-religious era. Whereas Islamic feminism arose in secular era. The two theories are bound to clash. As the current era is against religion and focuses on science, and technology. Islamic feminism is learning to adapt to this era, but also preserve faith. Secular feminism completely abounded faith. Islamic nations of the past were able to live in a society where faith and government worked together. It was surplus and rich. However in the west, it was not possible it did not allow room for women to work well. In turn a reverse psychology has taken effect. In the scramble of preserving faith in a fast adapting world where faith is no longer important. Certain nations have become oppressive in fear of people leaving Islam.
Shen highlights both movements responded to two separate historical events, in the West Secular feminism emerged from the oppression of the white patriarchal system. And Islamic feminism emerged in the post-colonial period. Badran states they operate in discursive modes, ‘I argue that western feminist theory, in spite of its advances, is in a state of crisis since (a) it is challenged by the continuation of patriarchal domination in the West in the wake of legal equality between genders, (b) suspicious of the universality of patriarchy, it overlooks oppressive gender relations in non-western societies and (c) rejecting Eurocentrism and racism, it endorses the fragmentation of women of the world into religious, national, ethnic, racial and cultural entities with particularist agendas.’ (Abstract p.1) Both are not mutually exclusive and they converge with activists and scholars both wanting to advance gender equality in their respective regions, by challenging the complex interplay of patriarchy, religion, politics and culture all having a role to play in the advancement of Feminism.
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